In several states home-based industry has virtually collapsed leaving Muslim women spiraling downwards to penury. In part, it is due to the vicious cycle of poverty, lack of education and technical skills, leading to low-skilled, low-income work, and back again to poverty. The increasing ghettoization of poor Muslims leads to the seclusion of home-based female workers, cutting them off from channels of communication and hindering their ability to organize into collectives. Many home-based workers are so low down in the assembly line of production that they operate entirely through middlemen and do not even know who their employer is. Muslim women have minimal participation in Government micro-finance programmes and Panchayati Raj. Efforts to increase their participation are necessary (p. 22).

Another complaint is about the absence of proper civic amenities and infrastructure in the areas where Muslims constitute majority. This has adverse impact on the livelihood of Muslims particularly artisans and craftsmen as it deters buyers, especially the international ones, who tend to move to places where good approach roads ensure that the products are supplied on time. This problem becomes more acute for Muslim entrepreneurs because district industrial estates, where decent facilities are available, are not located in Muslim areas. (p. 23). The health of Muslims, especially women, is directly linked to poverty and the absence of basic services like clean drinking water and sanitation—leading to malnutrition, anemia, a variety of diseases and poor life expectancy. TB among Muslim women was reported higher than average incidence in some areas. Measures of prevention are taken rarely. (p. 23).

Muslim, especially women, have virtually no access to government development schemes. In the context of increasing ghettoization, the absence of social services (health, schooling, ration, municipal/government offices) impacts women the most because they are reluctant to venture beyond the confines of ‘safe’ neighbourhoods to access these facilities elsewhere. Muslim women have almost no presence in decision-making positions—from gram panchayats to parliament. They even fail to find a place in minority welfare institutions set up by the Government. (p. 24). Lack of adequate “Muslim voice” in the government, even in the local self government bodies and similar other grassroots institutions ahs resulted I a situation that Muslims have lagged behind. In their view, political participation and representation in governance structures are essential to achieve equity. (p. 24).

This clearly shows the exclusion of the Muslims in several structures of power and influence. They are already decapitated by the prevailing socio-economic and political conditions. As a result of exclusion, they are now unable to take the benefits of available procedures, institutions, policies and initiatives of the Indian State in the spheres of the Fundamental Rights, Directive Principles of State Policy, Rule of Law, Judiciary, Bureaucracy, Banks, Police and armed forces, educational institutions, etc. The factor of exclusion results in ‘acute citizenry disability’ which can be clearly seen in allocated funds for the welfare of the Muslims remain ineffective at larger level. It is how the distribution of national resources doesn’t reach them. It is how the existence and expansion of police and enforcement agencies fail to protect their constitutionally guaranteed rights?

In other words, the phenomena of exclusion and backwardness of the Muslims maintain them as non-beneficiary community in a fast developing economy and democracy. It id not only the issue of special measures to be made by the government but even the constitutional rights available to them along with periodic offers and policies of the government are not accessible to them. All the machineries exist for the execution of such policies which succeed in almost all cases except the Muslims whose individuals and collectivities and their localities remain deprived of such facilities. Why does this happen in the case of the Muslims?